Women Wearing Yajnopavit Suggestive of Equal Rights of Women for Education

A writeup by Shri Nilesh Oak gathered my attention considerably on ‘Women doing ‘Sandhya’ & ‘Homa’ and wearing ‘Yajnopavit’ – 14000+ years long Indic tradition. 'https://nileshoak.wordpress.com/2017/10/28/women-doing-sandhya-homa-and-wearing-yajnopavit-14000-years-long-indic-tradition/#comment-1142

Pic courtesy by Sahana Singh ji from Bharhut gallery

On the comment side, Dr. Shridhar Iyer’s suggestion limits the yajnopavit ritual only till the Agnichayan Yajna or the like which has this type of arrangement for Hota’s patni-wife. The Iconography of women bearing the yajnopavita in different postures do suggest her invariably wearing of it despite of any yearly ritual happening. So bearing of the yajnopavit clearly suggests girls wearing them from very tender age when they were induced in learning of the Vedas and Shastras equally like boys. 

यथे मां वाचं कल्याणीमावदानि जनेभ्य:। ब्रह्मराजन्याभ्यां शुद्राय चार्याय च स्वाय चारणाय॥यजु। अ ,२६।२॥

yathe māṃ vācaṃ kalyāṇīmāvadāni janebhya:। brahmarājanyābhyāṃ śudrāya cāryāya ca svāya cāraṇāya॥yaju। a ,26।2॥

which says “As I have given this word (i.e, the 4 vedas) which is the word of salvation for all making-Brahmanas, Kshatriya, Vaishya, shudra, women, servants,aye, even the lowest of the low, so should you all do, i.e, teach and preach veda. Let all men therefore read and recite, teach and preach the veda and thereby acquire true knowledge, practice virtue, shun vice, and consequently being freed from all sorrows and pain, enjoy true happiness.”  

ब्रह्मचर्येण कन्या३ युवानं विन्दते पतिं॥अथर्व ११,१६,३,१८

brahmacaryeṇa kanyā3 yuvānaṃ vindate patiṃ॥atharva 11,16,3,18

which says “ Just as boys acquire sound knowledge and culture by practice of Brahmacharya and then marry girls of their own choice, who are young, well educated, loving and of like temperament, so should a girl practice Brahmacharya, study the Veda, and other sciences and thereby perfect her knowledge, refine her character, give her hand to man of her own choice, who is young, learned and loving.” it follows, therefore, that girls should also practice Brahmacharya and receive education. It was mandatory to curtail any imbalance of knowledge, thoughts and warfare between Husband and Wife. For initial years of their begotten children mother is always held as first Acharya for her child. In ancient India, Gargi and other ladies, were highly educated and perfect scholars of the Vedas. this is clearly written in Shatapatha Brahmana

कन्यानां सम्प्रदानं च कुमाराणां च रक्षणम्॥मनु ७।१५२॥( this shloka is a misplace in original Dayanand Saraswati ji's anuvāk/works; trying to figure out the correct one)

kanyānāṃ sampradānaṃ ca kumārāṇāṃ ca rakṣaṇam॥manu 7।152॥

Manu says, “The State should make it compulsory for all to send their children of both sexes to school at the said period( 5th or 8th year) and keep them there for the said period(minimum the 16th year for girls and the 25th year for boys) till they are thoroughly well-educated.

In other words , let no child - whether a girl or a boy be allowed to stay in the house (father’s house) after the 8th year; let him remain in the seminary till his samāvartana time, (i.e, period of Return Home) and let no one be allowed to marry before that.

The above elaboration clearly suggests what a refined society we had in the Vedic times where women equally got education, and thus she was equally entitled to bear/wear yajnopavit.

When Agastya Gave Away His ‘Height’ as a ‘Unit Of Measure’ For Length.

Professor Whitney opines,

“ We regard the Hindu's science as an offshoot from the Greek, planted not far from the commencement of christian era, and attaining its fully developed form in course of fifth and sixth century."

These sanskrit scholars do know what our scriptures have in them, but they revolve around their own created omphalo of imparting ignorance to the world either probably to keep up contentment with the antiquity of Christianity imperiously, or they are truly ignorant.

RV VIII Fifth aṣṭaka says 

उदियाय ततो अगस्त्य: शम्यामात्रो महितपः

मानेन सम्मितो यस्माद् मान्य इहोच्यते॥

Thence rose the great ascetic Agastya of the measure of a span, as measure by measure, (māna) he is then called upon mānya।

Other such examples come from RV VII.33.13, for Mānya from RV I.165.15,177.5,184.4 etc. Agastya Muni, Kuru Muni, i.e., Dwarf Muni is also known as Māna

मानः (पुं) [मन + घञ]

मानं (नपु)- मापना, माप दण्ड, मान दण्ड

मानदण्ड(पु)- मापने का डण्डा, गज- स्थितः

‘पृथिव्या इव मानदण्ड:’  

Striking use of unit of measure-yardstick in Kumārsambhava by Kalidās in a mangalācharanam; i.e, beginning of first shloka, brought in the word ‘mānadaṇḍa’ as yard stick incessantly. For a moment I thought if it has anything to do with Agastya-Māna; anumāna was made. 

अस्त्युत्तरस्यां दिशि देवतात्मा हिमालयो नाम नगाधिराज:। 

पूर्वापरौ तोयनिधी वगाह्य स्थित: पृथिव्या इव मानदण्ड:।।

Though I rubbish the PIE root system which is nothing but deformed form of sanskrit root, still has gathered a momentum due to a creation of database of other languages as well. The process of PIE is very contemporary which can always be solved with the help of Sanskrit root system if verb fallen prey. I searched PIE root for ‘meter’ and to my astonishment found ‘me’. Greek metron (measure) influenced english meter “person who measure”[ late 14c], agent noun 'mete'.

I deliberated to understand measurement techniques from antiquity, way back from vedic times. How much did we know about the measurement? 

We find

अङ्गुष्ठमात्रक aṅguṣṭhamātraka ; having the length or size of a thumb

अङ्गुल aṅgula ; twelve angula making a vitasti or span

अङ्गुलमान aṅgulamāna ; measure of length of an angula

व्यङ्गुल vyaṅgula; having the length of an angula

वितस्ति vitasti ; span or having a measure of length

अवत्नि avatni ; primarily means ‘elbow’ occurs frequently in RV VIII,80 denoting as a measure of length, the distance from elbow till tip of the hand. etc. Therefore, we had enough of measurement techniques.

We find unit of measure for length in Akbar and post Akbar period as-‘Gaz' mainly which would have had come from ‘gaja' sthita~goad, yard~length, typically like Kerala thotti (hook), which is 3.5 feet in length and about 1 inch thick; the valya mol(long pole), which is 10.5 feet in length and about 1 inch thick.

1 yard = 0.91444m is almost equivalent to gaz

Length: Ilahi Gaz (33" to 34"); 1 Gaz = 16 Grehs; 1 Greh = 2 pais

At the time of  Shah Jahan there existed three different Gaz:

a) Shahi gaz = 101.6 cm; b) Shahijahani or Lashkari = 95.85 cm; c) Aleppo gaz = 67.73 cm

Usually, dwarf people have typical heights ranging from 2'8" to 4'8." It is possible that Agastya muni himself had been hardly of 3 feet height.  

For Rgvedic Māna~Mānya it can be said that Agastya muni was the first man who gave his height as a unit of measure for length. 

In The Search Of Lanka

Lanka Vs ShriLanka

Are we naming Shri Lanka as a wrong Lanka from the past?

Rohatak 76.6066° E,

Kurukshetra 76.8783° E,

Ujjain 75.7849° E

while today's Shri Lanka 80.7718° E (quite away from what Surya Siddhant rules out for the location of ‘Lanka’ )

राक्षसालयदेवौकश्शैलर्मध्यसुत्रगा।

रोहिताङ्कमवन्ती च यथा सन्निहितं सरः॥ ६२॥ मध्यमाधिकार SS

In short, the shloka says Rohatak, Avanti, i.e, ancient Ujjain are on same longitudinal line emerging from the mid of Rākṣasālaya, i.e., Lanka, till north pole. Rākṣasālaya word again is interesting since it may assign its consent to - Asur Bhāga i.e, southern hemisphere, but it did touch the equator [Could it be the same latitude-longitude which was shown to Hanuman by Jambvant.] Indeed we are naming Sinhaldweep as Shri Lanka for past 50 years which is a very recent case. Bhāskarācārya doesn’t mention Rohtak but instead Kurukshetra, which are 100 kms apart, and still nearly 0.2 degree shift can be seen on the longitude. Can this 0.2 degree apart on longitudinal line be counted in territorial shift or can be enigma of oscillation/wobbling of earth, but what about the present Lanka? It cannot be counted in land mass shift either from even miocene times.* Bhāskarācārya's non-mentioning of Rohatak suggests two things, either the decline of the city and rise of Kurukshetra, or some unknown visibility pattern of astronomical observation had shifted. Kurukshetra may not be in existence as a flourishing city when Surya Siddhanta was composed, for which I have an evidence within the text, but it may have come into existence later as Kurukshetra name was composed in his verse. It may suggest many other geographical connections via epic which can be investigated.

यल्लोङ्कोज्जयिनीपु रोपरिकुरुक्षेत्रादि देशान् स्पृशत्।

सूत्रं मेरुगतंवुधैर्निगदिता सामध्य रेखाभुवम्॥ ~भस्कराचार्य

Ancient Lanka could be one of the well known nirakṣa deśa ; one of the countries on equator. Then what about the most controversial Rama Sethu which is identified with today? Rakshasalaya could be admixture of Sinhala-Lanka- Laccha etc and may extend more into many Islands more instantly , who knows what story of deluge may have been carried by these lands beneath. How Lacchadeep~ ‘Laksha’dweep name came up, is it recent ? Who were aiming at Lakshadweep? I am ignorant about Lacchadeep; any clue from ancient Tamil texts? "A reference is made in one of the Puram-400 & PathitRuppathu. Chera and later Pallava kings had control over some islands. Mention is made of Dveepa Laksham’ in some Pallava inscription as well."says Shri Ganeshan. I am in wait of Shri Ganeshan @vezhamukham, an eminent scholar on Tamil and sanskrit literature from twitter for more comments and information. *

Ending with the note to self.

Latin ambō and Sanskrit amba (अम्ब)

Latin ambō’s inflection suggests dual (as it has no singular), and also means ‘podium’ and amphi; with an emphasis on ‘viewing’ from both sides and on the podium (anything viewed is also only with two eyes). Here this goes with amba ‘k’ (neut.) for ‘an eye’. Strangely, we may have lost the use of ambau as an obsolete term in Sanskrit when we advanced further into pre-Pāṇinian or Pāṇinian Sanskrit with the introduction of the ka-pratyaya (क प्रत्यय) in amba (अम्ब), as in tryambakam (त्र्यम्बकम् = त्रि + अम्बकम्) and not ambāḥ (अम्बाः) [anything more than two, i.e. plural–bahuvacana] for ‘three eyes’ (Śiva?). But ambo, ambau, ambai/ambae remained in many Proto-European languages… ‘ambience, ambient’ for ‘viewing’ in English is one such derivative.

अम्बते { अम्ब् } ambate { amb } verb sound ? 

अम्बति { अम्ब् } ambati  { amb }      verb go 

( http://spokensanskrit.de/index.php?tinput=amb&direction=SE&link=yes&choice=yes )

“अम्ब गतौ (भ्वादिः, परस्मैपदी, सकर्मकः, सेट्) — ambati ‘goes’ (gacchati, in the sense of ‘as swiftly as a star’), hence ambakam (स्वार्थे क्), i.e. ‘an eye’ [as advised by Ācāryavarya Rāmānujan Devanāthan @Iksusara ji].

(While I could read only the ātmanepada form ambate through the TDIL morph generator, I am always at a loss, being a non-Sanskritist, so pardon me.)

“अम्ब्यते गर्भे प्राप्यते इति (घञ्, स्वार्थे क् च) — ambakam = ‘father’ [as explained by Ācāryavarya Iksusara ji]. While ‘amma-abbaa’ (Persian) ~ sounds like amba if spoken together, amba (Buginese) for ‘father’ appears to be the lost Sanskrit ambau; yet pitarau remained (mātā ca pitā ca), preserving the sense of duality of parents being together [bahuvrīhi].”

Now, among these, the interesting find is this: in Hindi/Urdu we say ‘जहां तक नज़रें जातीं हैं’ = dekhna (‘till the eyes go’, meaning ‘as far as the eyes can see’). The translated meaning of this sentence in English sounds absurd, since eyes do not go anywhere; rather, light travels and reflects back to the eye, so that the image of the object is formed — and that science we all know.

Our Sanskritists knew that anything with gati (गति) is amba (अम्ब). So ambaka = ‘eyes which receive light’, ambara, ambaraga (‘sky-going’), ambarada (‘giver of clothes’), and ambate {अम्ब्}/ambate {amb} as the verb ‘sound’ (since sound travels = gati, which they already understood). Eureka!

This may be a brief story of how ambo–ambae–ambi (in the sense of ‘dual’) developed into amphi (where the sense of seeing with both eyes extended to seeing from both sides), and then became an upasarga in theatron, giving amphitheater(‘to be seen from both sides’). From there it likely carried forward into derivatives such as ambulate, circumambulation, ambulance, ambience, amicable, and others.

This is, of course, a very premature stage to draw conclusions. It remains rather a note to myself in the attempt to understand Sanskrit grammar and its application on linguistic terms at this initial stage.

Perhaps this might interest archaeolinguists. I do not know how far I have managed to disintegrate or penetrate into Amba. As I mentioned, my words are so coiled up that there is yet an absence of Śeṣa to spring forth — once again, a matter for discussion.

Riders of the tide

Who Says Indians Were Not Good Mariners?

India’s maritime heritage can be traced back to Vedic times. Although chronological records of events from this period are scarce, early Indian texts clearly reflect knowledge of seafaring, navigation, and commerce. Long before recorded history, India, the cradle of one of the world’s oldest civilizations, sustained a tradition of maritime activity that endured despite numerous upheavals. Evidence of this tradition, spanning over four millennia, is attested in the geography of India’s long coastline, archaeological excavations, and ancient scriptures.

The ocean, the concept of seafaring, and the cyclical movement of water are deeply embedded in Indian thought and literature. Anthropomorphic transformation of natural elements into deities illustrates how maritime realities shaped cultural imagination. In India, it has been customary to acknowledge the gifts of nature by offering reverence to their presiding deities. Thus the Vedic prayer:

“Śaṁ no Varuṇaḥ” – May the lord of the oceans be auspicious unto us.

Varuṇa was revered as the knower of sea routes and of the seasons of sailing. The Ṛg Veda (1.97.7–8) declares:

“Do Thou, whose countenance is turned to all sides, send off our adversaries as if in a ship to the opposite shore. Do Thou convey us in a ship across the sea for our welfare.”

Myth, Cosmology, and Maritime Symbolism

The maritime imagination is interwoven with cosmology. Creation is described as emerging from the cosmic ocean: Brahmā is born of the lotus that rises from Viṣṇu’s navel as he rests upon the waters. In myth, gods and demons churn the ocean for nectar (amṛta), from which Lakṣmī, goddess of wealth, is the first jewel to arise.

The Pāṇis—merchant clans mentioned in the Ṛg Veda and later texts—were pioneers of long-distance trade, linking diverse nations. Classical sources suggest that the Phoenicians may correspond to these Pāṇis. The Latin Phoeni closely resembles Sanskrit Pāṇi. The parallel traditions of Dvārakā and Phoenician chronology have even been interpreted as indicating shared antiquity, with figures such as Hercules (Hari-kula) symbolizing Phoenician maritime enterprise.

Archaeological and Textual Testimonies

The Śiśupālavadha of Māgha mentions merchants in ships laden with goods, sailing between Dvārakā and Hastināpura. Terracotta models at Lothal suggest contact with Egyptian ports of the Nile Valley civilization. Indus seals, found in large numbers at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, appear to have been used by merchant families to mark ownership of goods.

Buddhist and Jain scriptures, as well as the Mahāvaṁsa chronicle of Sri Lanka, contain references to shipbuilding, overseas trade, and maritime activity. One account narrates how the merchant Pūrṇa, of Suppāraka, undertook seven voyages and eventually became a disciple of the Buddha.

Manu Smṛti and Maritime Law

The Manu Smṛti, among the oldest law codes in the world, contains provisions for commercial disputes relating to both land and sea trade. It specifies rules for interest on marine loans (bottomry), boat-hire, and even marine insurance: sailors were held collectively responsible for damage caused by their faults but absolved if the damage was due to uncontrollable natural forces. These rules testify to the sophistication of maritime law in ancient India.

European scholars such as Sir William Jones and Mountstuart Elphinstone noted that the presence of bottomry in Manu’s Code proves that Indians were navigators in that era. The Rāmāyaṇa also mentions maritime practices, island nations (Yavana-dvīpa, Suvarṇa-dvīpa), naval expeditions, and merchants engaged in overseas trade. The Mahābhārata similarly refers to naval expeditions, shipwrecks, and sea-borne commerce.

Later Traditions and Foreign Testimony

Greek and Roman sources describe Indian ports, particularly in Gujarat. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century CE) gives detailed accounts of maritime routes linking Roman Egypt, Africa, and India. Archaeological evidence confirms Indo-Roman exchange, as seen in finds at Arikamedu, Ter, and coastal Buddhist cave sites.

Maritime trade from Gujarat and the Konkan coast extended to Southeast Asia, leading to early cultural exchanges. Indian merchants and monks established communities in Java, Sumatra, Cambodia, and Thailand, leaving enduring legacies such as Angkor Wat and Borobudur. In turn, Southeast Asian rulers patronized Indian monasteries, cementing the exchange.

Navigational Science and the Kutchi Mariners

Contrary to the belief that Indians depended on Arab nautical science, indigenous traditions reveal sophisticated navigational techniques. The Malam-ni-pothi (“sailor’s handbook”) contained stellar bearings, rhumb lines, compass cards, pole-star calculations, latitude and longitude reckoning, and sailing instructions. Surviving logbooks (ghos ni pothi) from as early as 1663 CE display cartographic stylization and terminology rooted in Sanskrit.

Kutchi pilots gained renown for their seamanship, even assisting Vasco da Gama on his first voyage to India. The shipbuilding yards of Mandvi, with traditions extending back to Patan and Tharad, reflect a legacy of maritime craftsmanship, adapted over centuries.

Conclusion

As Sir Charles Eliot observed:

“Scant justice is done to India’s position in the world by those European histories which recount the exploits of her invaders and leave the impression that her own people were a feeble, dreamy folk, cut off from the rest of mankind by their seas and mountain frontiers.”

The literary, archaeological, and technical evidence firmly disproves such misconceptions. India’s mariners—whether the Pāṇis of the Veda, the merchants of Lothal, the pilots of Gujarat, or the carriers of Buddhism to Southeast Asia—testify to a long and sophisticated maritime tradition, deeply embedded in the cultural memory and civilizational fabric of the subcontinent.